A growing divergence regarding engagement with the United States has penetrated the deepest echelons of Iran’s hardline establishment, becoming visible in state-affiliated media and among groups that have historically maintained a unified stance under the banner of revolutionary allegiance. This week, the rift became notably public when several ultraconservative Members of Parliament declined to endorse a letter supporting Iran’s negotiating team. The disagreement subsequently escalated into hardline media outlets, leading to an unparalleled public confrontation between Raja News and the Tasnim News Agency, which is linked to the Revolutionary Guards. The core of this confrontation primarily involves supporters of Saeed Jalili, a former nuclear negotiator and National Security Council member, against allies of his longstanding rival, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, who recently headed Iran’s delegation for talks in Islamabad. On Monday, Iranian media outlets reported that 27 members of parliament, including seven associated with Jalili\u2019s ultraconservative faction, refused to sign a letter endorsing the negotiating team and Ghalibaf\u2019s leadership during the Islamabad discussions. Mahmoud Nabavian, one of the dissenting MPs who had accompanied the delegation to Islamabad, later asserted that Mojtaba Khamenei\u2019s “red lines” had been breached. He claimed that negotiators had discussed nuclear matters with the United States in contravention of these directives. In recent days, hardline lawmakers and commentators have intensified their criticism of the negotiating team. Jalili himself seemed to heighten tensions by publicly urging Mojtaba Khamenei to clarify if current actions aligned with his instructions. In a post that has since been deleted, he stated that if no such clarification was issued, “there is absolutely a ‘sedition of officials,’ and all these statements are authored by the coup plotter himself.” This comment was largely perceived as targeting Ghalibaf. The dispute intensified further after a Tasnim editorial suggested that demanding the United States lift all sanctions or agree to a comprehensive ceasefire with Iran\u2019s armed regional allies constituted unrealistic expectations, akin to a “magic beanstalk.” The article also contended that negotiations with the United States should not be viewed as a definitive solution, and that “the power of the people in the streets” could be Iran’s primary leverage. Raja News issued a strong rebuttal. Tasnim subsequently retracted the article, explaining it had been republished from another source, but responded with an uncharacteristically sharp tone, accusing Raja of fostering division and undermining national security. It claimed Raja News was “seeking to complete Trump\u2019s project in Iran” and mentioned recent arrests of individuals for “suspicious movements to undermine sacred unity.” A Telegram post by Saberin News, a channel associated with security institutions, escalated the rhetoric further, branding the Paydari Party as “Kharijites”\u2014a historical term for extremist dissenters who opposed and ultimately assassinated Imam Ali, the first Shia Imam. The post accused them of “sowing division on the battlefield” and “playing into the hands of Israel and the United States.” Iran\u2019s state broadcaster (IRIB) has also faced examination for alleged bias. Its deputy for cultural affairs, Vahid Jalili, is the brother of Saeed Jalili. The moderate outlet Khabar Online reported that, by its assessment, 8 out of 10 pundits featured on IRIB during the recent conflict were conservatives, with 15 percent linked to the ultraconservative Paydari Front. Khabar Online stated, “The issue is not merely the exclusion of reformists; data indicates that even moderate conservatives or critical insiders are almost entirely absent from these programs.” Raja News subsequently announced it would refrain from extending the public dispute and would instead pursue legal action. However, as the stakes escalate\u2014whether through renewed negotiations with Washington or a potential return to conflict\u2014it may prove challenging to contain the situation. Amid ongoing efforts to revive discussions with the United States, Iranian lawmakers and state-affiliated media are increasingly advocating for confidentiality surrounding the negotiations. These rising calls for secrecy may indicate an attempt to manage the narrative as domestic divisions surface over the extent of Iran’s concessions in any talks. Ahmad Bakhshayesh Ardestani, a member of parliament\u2019s National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, informed reporters on Monday that “not everything about the negotiations needs to be stated openly.” He likened diplomacy to marriage negotiations, where each party withholds certain aspects of their background until an agreement is finalized, asserting that secrecy does not inherently contradict public transparency. Iran employed similar strategies at least twice in its recent history: during the release of American hostages in January 1981 after 444 days of captivity, and in August 1988 when it accepted the ceasefire that concluded the eight-year war with Iraq. On Tuesday, ultraconservative lawmaker Amir Hossein Sabeti, a notable anti-U.S. figure, advocated for “nuclear ambiguity,” contending that the United States and Israel would have deployed nuclear weapons against Iran if they had known the precise locations of Iran\u2019s enriched uranium stockpiles. His comments aligned with similar calls from other lawmakers urging officials to refrain from public discourse on Iran\u2019s stances regarding the nuclear issue or the Strait of Hormuz\u2014two pivotal impediments in diplomatic endeavors to resolve the impasse in Iran-U.S. relations. U.S. President Donald Trump stated on Tuesday that Tehran had communicated to Washington its desire for the Strait of Hormuz to be reopened “as soon as possible,” implying that efforts to resume talks might involve discussions concerning shipping through the strategic waterway. In a Truth Social post, Trump asserted that Iran was in a “state of collapse” and was attempting to resolve “their leadership situation,” although Tehran has not publicly addressed this claim. In Tehran, contradictory public statements have highlighted divisions within the political establishment regarding the talks. Ultraconservative MP Ali Khezrian informed the state broadcaster that “all doors of negotiation with the United States were shut down,” adding that no messages were being exchanged via intermediaries. Nevertheless, other lawmakers, including Ardestani, have acknowledged that discussions are ongoing, with Ardestani stating, “we cannot stop negotiating\u2026 we have won the war, and we need to establish our victory in negotiations.” Both Khezrian and Ardestani stated that hardline cleric and lawmaker Mahmoud Nabavian, who accompanied the Iranian delegation to Islamabad during the initial round of talks, was present solely to brief parliament subsequently. Nabavian later remarked that it had been “a mistake” to incorporate the nuclear issue into the discussions. A report published on April 27 by Khabar Online quoted conservative commentator Mohammad Mohajeri criticizing lawmakers and certain officials for making “uncalculated” statements on foreign policy issues, including Iran\u2019s stance on the Strait of Hormuz. The report indicated that comments regarding imposing taxes on shipping, proposing a “new legal regime” for the waterway, or using the term “closure of the strait” instead of “control” have sparked worries that such remarks could jeopardize Iran\u2019s national interests and lead to legal complexities. Khabar Online also cautioned lawmakers against undermining the authority of the Supreme National Security Council, which is responsible for coordinating national security and foreign policy positions.
\n#IranPolitics #USIranTalks #HardlineFactions #InternalDivisions #SaeedJalili #MohammadBagherGhalibaf #NuclearNegotiations #StraitOfHormuz #IranianParliament #NationalSecurity<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
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